Dmitry Medvedev congratulates Vladimir Putin on his decision to head the United Russia Party, and Putin congratulates Medvedev on his decision not to join it.
Photo: Dmitry Azarov
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On the Job
// Vladimir Putin approved as leader
Russian President Vladimir Putin accepted the offer made to him yesterday to become the leader of the United Russia Party. Kommersant special correspondent Andrey Kolesnikov thinks that Putin will thus return to the highest post in the country.
Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev entered the Gostiny Dvor and emerged into the celebratory hall through the little door in the wall through which they always enter the United Russia congresses that have become as much a part of the life of society as the Finance Ministry's quarterly reports on the fulfillment of the budget.
Delegates formed the backdrop on the stage this time, instead of the usual white, blue and red pattern. They were seated on the podium behind the speakers to give the impression that everyone was part of one big, happy team. That was a prime area for delegates. Every time television viewers saw Putin, they would see Alexander Shkolnik. And vice versa.
The journalists were lined up along the red carpeted walkway. If there was a red carpet, that means someone was supposed to walk down it. Or maybe it reminded them of the red carpet the president walked down at his inauguration and this was to be a general rehearsal. The only question was whether it would be Medvedev or Putin who came down the trail.
At that moment, Medvedev and Putin, followed closely by Boris Gryzlov, Yury Luzhkov and Sergey Shoigu, walked past the red carpet and mounted the podium from the side. We can only hope the same thing doesn't happen at the inauguration.
Putin wanted to sit down immediately, but he hesitated over something. The audience, seeing him waiting for something, made the only possible choice and broke out into long, wild applause.
Gryzlov read a report. He has always been called the leader of the party almost automatically. Now it was unclear what to call him. While I was thinking about that, I heard him say “the need to use and not burn off natural gas,” “set up the export of drinking water,” “the problem of finishing lumber” and “a new stage in the fight for a healthy nation.” He was fighting someone, although it was unclear whom. “Twenty million people. That is the minimal population necessary for Russia,” he said, apparently for that fight.
Gradually, Gryzlov's voice became shriller and he began to speak in ultimatums to his opponents, who were clearly defined this time.
“The Russian media have no future unless they listen to the voice of society, to history, to the voice of the country!” he declared.
The voice of the Russian media, which long ago turned into a groan, is unlikely to be heard at all, if it's put like that. He defined culture as “strategic security” and demanded the doubling not of culture, but of its financing (which could lead not only to a loss of culture, but to a loss of all shame).
“The responsibility of every official for the state of affairs in his sector must be increased!” Gryzlov exclaimed, for which he received his only round of applause. It can be suggested that everyone else in the auditorium considered themselves officials. No doubt they were right, too.
Gryzlov was about to get lost forever in the topic of the relationship between the state and its bureaucrats and the people. (“It's as though the state machine has declared war on its own people!” he stated in wonder. “But you and I known that isn't so!”) Then he pulled himself out of it.
“Today we have every reason to invite Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev to join United Russia!” he said unexpectedly. Nothing he had said before led to that conclusion. “I consider it possible to address you, Dmitry Anatolyevich, in the name of the party. We are your mainstay!”
And vice versa, although he didn't say so.
“We are a strong party!” Gryzlov continued. “And we will be even stronger when Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin becomes chairman of the government. I offer you the leadership of United Russia!”
The addressees both nodded gratefully as Gryzlov went up and shook the current president's hand.
Medvedev was brief (especially compared to Gryzlov). He thanked the delegates for the fact that the elections were “dignified, solid and successful.” He considers the proposal that Putin head the party logical and timely, but he himself would decline the honor even of joining it, grateful as he is to it.
“Once elected President of the Russian Federation," Medvedev said, "I proposed the candidacy of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin for the post of prime minister of Russia. And when one considers that United Russia has 315 voices in the State Duma, and a majority in the legislative assemblies of almost all subjects of the Russian Federation, this will lead to the consolidation of a really powerful political force. We have never had a force like that before.”
Of course there has been a force like that before. It was the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. But not even the CPSU had a leading and guiding force like Vladimir Putin. In that sense, Medvedev was right.
Toward the end, Medvedev noted that Putin has been the informal leader of the party for a long time. All that could be added was that, once he was prime minister and the acknowledged leader of the party, he would be the informal leader of the country.
The audience seemed to feel that, for they stood as Putin approached the microphone. It hadn't occurred to anybody while Medvedev spoke. With the same gratitude with which Medvedev had refused party membership, Putin accepted party leadership. After May 7, he stipulated. He said that the party had to be purged of “random people” and looked out at the audience.
Putin was aware of the history nature of the moment. Never have I heard anyone put such passion, such pride in his country, such bottomless suffering into a phrase that would win any competition for the most banal word in the world: “This is the true meaning of our work.”
The delegates elected their new leader unanimously. According to information received by Kommersant, some of the delegates initially wanted a secret ballot, but they were dissuaded.
Putin spoke again before the congress closed. “Today, in this room there are scientists and engineers, doctors and teachers, businessmen, workers, artists and journalists, military personnel and builders, fishermen, agricultural workers, pensioners, young people, representatives of various public organizations, all the regions and all the peoples of Russia,” he said, again speaking of the broad support he had received.
Several minutes later, all of those people unhurriedly left the auditorium. I chose one of them, Viktoria Lopyreva, to talk to. Why her? She hadn't changed much since she was Miss Russia of 2003.
When asked what she expects of the new leader, she looked at the journalists fuzzily.
“I don't know what I expect,” she answered. “I know that United Russia was waiting for me to join. I think I will add such girls as Svetlana [Khorkina, the gymnast] and Alina [Kabaeva, the gymnast] to the company. Isn't that what you expect of me? So, you'll see in four years.”
I understood that that was the soonest I would want to talk to that girl about membership changes in the party leadership and sought out another. Lyubov Sliska, when I asked her if today's event didn't remind her of a Communist Party congress, replied that it did not whatsoever, since she never participated in Communist functions.
“Although there was a lot we could have gotten from that party,” she added.
“How could it be more like it?” I asked.
“We have a young president, and a young prime minister,” she replied.
It probably can't be more like it. Today, arguments about whether or not Putin will return to the highest office in the land can be considered settled.
He has returned.
And he left it.
www.kommersant.com
All the Article in Russian as of Apr. 16, 2008
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