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Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov is awarded the highest government honor in Russia: “For service before one’s fatherland” in the first degree.
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Sep. 13, 2007
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Government dismissed
// The president didn’t play to expectations
The “technocrat Prime Minister” Mikhail Fradkov, who headed the government since March 2004, has complete his mission. Despite the persistent rumors about dismissing the government, the prime minister himself was clearly caught by surprise by his “voluntary” resignation. But the main surprise was his replacement, Viktor Zubkov, head of a financial crimes agency. Such a move upset all bets about what can be expected in the new cabinet.
Yesterday morning Mikhail Fradkov clearly wasn’t planning on going to the Kremlin. At 9 a.m. he arrived in Tushino at the 46th interregional Federal Tax Service inspection, not far from the MKAD beltway. He was supposed to attend a meeting about the problems with collecting a value-added tax. They began with an express-tour of the building, which specializes in enterprise registration. Mikhail Fradkov had already made his way into the new halls of the inspection building where camera crews were waiting for him. Suddenly, with a change of face, he returned to his cartage, to, as was explained later, take a telephone call.

Having returned again, the prime minster began listening absently to Nadezhda Sinnikovaya, the head manager of the Federal Tax Service for Moscow, who was giving a report about introducing new informational technology. Then it was announced that the meeting would be shortened due to “urgent matters” awaiting the prime minister. Mr. Fradkov’s introductory remarks were unusually short and didn’t contain their usual “Fradkov-isms.”

At the end of the meeting the prime minister evasively answered three questions about the tax administration. Efforts to attain commentary about the rumors that the government could be dismissed were cut off by the government press-service: such reporters were simply not allowed to ask any questions.

Mr. Fradkov got in his car and set out for, it would seem, his caller – the Kremlin. Two hours later the prime minister was already speaking with Vladimir Putin, saying, “The country is coming up to some very important political events: the election for the State Duma, Russia’s lower house of parliament, as well as presidential elections. The government is involved in this process, and is working, it seems, fairly well. It is trying. But, understanding political processes, I’d like you (Putin) to have complete freedom to make choices and decisions about matters, including personnel.” Vladimir Putin, in praising the effectiveness of the government, accepted the request to dismiss the government and asked Mr. Fradkov to be the acting prime minster until the State Duma approves the new government head. Mr. Fradkov received the government’s highest honor for his work: the order “For service before one’s fatherland” in the first degree.

An extraordinary governmental meeting had been scheduled for 4 p.m. At 3:30 p.m. the meeting was cancelled as it became known that the president had already nominated Viktor Zubkov, the head of a financial crime agency, for the post. Nevertheless the cabinet meeting took place, only now it was closed to the press.

The group of newly announced acting ministers exited the hall with a look of relief. Sergei Shaigu, head of the Ministry of Emergency Situations, struck a gladiator pose, as if leaving the arena, and announced that he was resigning for “the twentieth time.” When asked how he liked freedom, Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Zhukov answered unenthusiastically, “Freedom is great.”

Television networks later showed footage of Mr. Fradkov before the members of his government. Clearly confused and upset, the acting prime minister thanked his colleagues for their work and named his successor, Viktor Zubkov, “an authoritative professional” and “a decent man.”

There was no doubt yesterday that the State Duma would confirm Viktor Zubkov as prime minister. Boris Gryzlov, Duma speaker and the head of United Russia, cancelled yesterday all working trips to the regions for the next week (he himself was planning on a trip with Acting Deputy Prime Minister Sergei Ivanov). Mr. Gryzlov announced that the Mr. Zubkov’s confirmation would take place on Friday.

The fact that the government was in for some changes became clear during Vladimir Putin’s visit to Kamchatka. On September 5 the president announced that instead of defining strategic priorities, the government was “picking its nose”, that “not a damned thing had been done,” that “soldiers would have done better,” and that this all “started back with Kasyanov” (Mikhail Kasyanov lead the government in 2000-2004). German Gref, his deputy Vitaly Savelyov and Valery Golubyev, the deputy chairman of Gazprom, all took personal hits at the meeting. The appeal to “soldiers” and presence of Sergei Ivanov, the former minister of defense, was taken to mean that the first deputy prime minister could look forward to a promotion in the near future.

Two weeks ago a source close to Rosoboronexport told his version of the president’s plan to shuffle the government. Sergei Ivanov was to replace Mikhail Fradkov. The “industrial” deputy prime minister in this case would become Sergei Chemezov, the general director of Rosoboronexport, and the “economic” deputy prime minister would become Andrei Belyaninov, head of the Federal Customs Service. The “victims” in his version were to become Minister of Economic Development and Trade German Gref, Minister of Agriculture Aleksei Gordeyev, the head of the Ministry for Industry and Energy Viktor Khristenko and the Minister of Health and Social Development Mikhail Zurabov. Neither was it ruled out that the last two ministries would be split into several agencies. Viktor Khristenko was named one of the contenders to lead Transneft. Aleksei Gordeyev was sent to be a governor of one of the agricultural regions. German Gref was predicted to going into a private business. One of the candidates for minister of economic development was considered VTB head Andre Kostinl

September 7 Mr. Fradkov officially confirmed the first change in the government (Boris Alyoshin, the head of “Rosprom,” left to take the post of president of AvtoVAZ), but explained that he has more complicated plans to reform the government and that “everything would come in due time.” At the same time he refuted the idea of creating a state corporation (“Russian Technology”) out of “Rosvooruzhenie.” On Tuesday Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev almost directly expressed concern over the plans for governmental reforms, saying that his “personal opinion” was that changes should be made only after the presidential elections.

On the same day Semyon Vainshtok, head of Transneft, whose resignation fit into the government’s correction plan, submitted his resignation and was sent to head the construction of facilities for the 2014 Olympic Games in Sochi. Changing the “minister of oil transport” opened a fantastic opportunity to trade new seats in a renewed cabinet. It became clear that the president is fully ready to put forward serious figures into the power configuration.

Yesteday morning Viktor Zubkov, who clearly had not participated in all of these goings-on, flew into Moscow from Chernogoriya, where he was participating in an international conference on fighting money laundering. Sergei Ivanov, who instead of becoming prime minister became acting first deputy prime minister, said yesterday that he had “not discussed” the matter with the president. Dmitri Medvedev, whose opinion about the necessity to hold off with the shuffle was ignored, was able to speak with Mr. Putin in Cheboksary only after everything was said and done. It seems that no one had even considered the possibility of Viktor Zubkov being named to the prime ministry. This means that any speculation done before September 12 about how things might turn out in the new cabinet can be readily thrown out the window.

   &
“Viktor Zubkov to be prime minister until presidential elections”

Immediately after the government was dismissed, acting Finance Minister Aleksei Kudrin commented on the situation for Kommersant correspondent Pyotr Netreba.

What is happening?
The financial-economic block is continuing to generate leading personnel for the government. I’ve known Mr. Zubkov for a long time now, back from working in the mayor’s office in St. Petersburg. He’s always been an easy person to work with.

How long will Mr. Zubkov be prime minister?
Until the presidential elections for sure.

Mr. Zubkov wanted to resign a year ago. Why didn’t they let him?
When he reached a certain age his authority needed to be prolonged. Since the government wasn’t changing then, his resignation wasn’t accepted.

How quickly will the new cabinet be formed?
Judging by past government changes, if the Duma confirms the candidacy of a new prime minister, then suggestions for ministry leaders usually come on Saturday and Sunday. I’m expecting to see some new faces among the ministers.

What will you do if you’re not selected for a cabinet ministry?
I have enough experience that I’ll always be able to find work that I like.

A year and a half ago you were very critical of the government. Has it improved since then?Overall, yes.



“Life span” of Russian prime ministers

Viktor Chernomyrdin: 1925 days (Dec. 14, 1992 – Marh 23, 1998) Explaining his departure from office, President Boris Yeltsin said that he told Mr. Chernomyrdin “to focus on his political preparation” for the 2000 presidential elections.

Mikhail Kasyanov: 1378 days (May 17, 2000 – Feb. 24, 2004) “The citizens of Russia have the right to know the suggestions for the make-up of the highest executive organ in the case of my election to the presidency.” Therefore, the head of the state considered it fit “without waiting for the end of the electoral campaign, to announce the make-up of the highest executive organ of the state, which must take upon itself a part of the responsibilities for the future development of our country.”

Mikhail Fradkov: 1281 days (March 5, 2004 – Sept. 12, 2007) He explained his resignation by citing “the coming political events in the country and by a desire to give the president of Russia full freedom to make decisions.”

Ivan Silaev: 468 days (June 15, 1990 – Sept.26, 1991) His resignation “was due to his transition to another job,” the head of Inter-republic Economic Committee.

Vladimir Putin: 265 days (Aug. 16, 1999 – May 7, 2000)
Left the post after being elected to the presidency.

Evgeny Primakov: 234 days (Sept. 11, 1998 – May 12, 1999) President Yeltsin praised him for fulfilling “tactical tasks” after the crisis, but emphasized “we don’t have the right to put off decisions necessary to build the economy.”

Boris Yeltsin: 222 days (Nov. 6, 1991 named himself chairman of the “reform government,” and on June 15, 1992 passed the job to Egor Gaidar.

Egor Gaidar: 183 days (June 15, 1992 – Dec. 15, 1992) Gaidar explains the president’s decision not to submit his candidacy to parliament as a need to “maintain stability in the country.”

Sergei Kirienko: 121 days (April 24, 1998 – Aug. 23, 1998)
The reason for his dismissal became the financial crisis. President Yeltsin, commenting on his dismissal, said, “Today we need those we’ve come to call ‘heavyweights’.”

Sergei Stepashin: 82 days (May 19, 1999 – Aug. 9, 1999)
President Yeltsin explained his dismissal as necessary “to consolidate society” before the 2000 presidential elections.



Now what do we do with the successors?

Andre Fyodorov, director of the Fund for Political Research and Consulting:
“Nothing. Ivanov, Yakunin and Chemezov will remain potential successors. In the present circumstances there is no scheme for a “minister-successor.” Zubkov is capable of breaking the current system and creating the kind that Putin needs to work between 2008 and 2012. Zubkov is a strict and independent man. You can compare him to Fradkov.

Nikita Belykh, leader of the Union of Right Forces:
“They’ll contently work with the new prime minister, and then with the new president. The idea that the new prime minister will become the successor remains key. The fact that Zubkov is little known isn’t an obstacle. In four months they’ll build him up.

Viktor Ilyukhin, State Duma deputy:
“They can be free. By naming Zubkov, Putin cut off the paths of Ivanov and Medvedev for the presidency. It will be hard for Zubkov to be president, and they’ll remind people how good things were under Putin and the people will demand Putin back. I don’t rule out the idea that he could return before 2012.”

Sergei Yegorov, chairman of the observatory board of Binbank:
“I know Zubkov well. He doesn’t pose any sort of competition for the successors. He doesn’t have the experience and will not be able to get it quickly.”

Oleg Sysuev, first deputy chairman of the board of directors for Alfa-Bank:
“I’m not sure anymore. I applaud the president. He laughed at the entire country and all of its predictions. What can one predict after something like this? I feel like a complete idiot.”

Stanislav Belkovsky, president of the National Strategy Institute:
“Putin hasn’t named them successor, in part they named themselves that. Putin saw that Ivanov and Medvedev are empty as drums. He’s become disillusioned with his pupils and decided to name is own teacher.”

Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Communist Party:
“They won’t be left without positions. Everyone expected that they would make one of the main candidates prime minister, but the opposite happened. They named someone unkown to the country. Putin couldn’t decide the successor problem for himself.

Vasily Bochkarev, governor of the Penza Region:
“They will work in the government. I was with Sergei Ivanov when they announced about Zubkov. Sergei Borisevich (Ivanov) didn’t interrupt work and I didn’t notice any sort of reaction. We didn’t even discuss the news. As for the next president, I have always been a supporter of a third term.”

Grigory Yavlinsky, leader of the “Yabloko” party:
“They will keep their positions. Judging by the selection of prime minister, Putin is intending to stay in power beyond his term.”

Gleb Pavlovsky, president of the Fund for Effective Politics:
“The nomination of Zubkov doesn’t affect the positions of Ivanov and Medvedev at all. It is a signal to the executive authorities, which have been active in the pre-election race of the virtual candidates. Putin decided to expel the slightest thought of division in his apparatus.


Dmitry Butrin, Vadim Visloguzov, Pyotr Netreba, Afanasy Sborov

All the Article in Russian as of Sep. 13, 2007

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